Master Class on doing research at the interface of international law and philosophy (UPDATED)

 

By Otto Spijkers

[Update. The programme has changed somewhat. See the website of Leiden University for the new programme.] 

In 1950, Hans Kelsen wrote in The Law of the United Nations that ‘[i]t is not superfluous to remind the lawyer that as a ‘jurist’ he is but a technician whose most important task is to assist the law-maker in the adequate formulation of the legal norms.’ One may wonder whether researchers of international law ought to restrict themselves to being just a ‘jurist.’ Are they not allowed to engage in ‘philosophizing’ as well? And, vice versa, one may wonder whether philosophers – and political scientists – may also act as jurists.

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Most popular posts since July 2008

Since July 2008, this blog has been viewed over 98,276 times. I think this is a good opportunity to celebrate. In order to do so, I have listed the most popular blog articles, in terms of the number of views since July 2008. This is the Top 10 (number of views in brackets):

  1. Manipulating and measuring the political spectrum part 1: Obama and the flip flops (4619): In this post, Nick Li provided his own analysis of whether Obama had really moved to the centre on various issues, as was often suggested.
  2. Calvin & Hobbes on International Law (2513): In this post, Otto Spijkers provides an example of the lessons international lawyers can learn from comic books, especially Calvin & Hobbes.
  3. Understanding Bokito, the gorilla that escaped and attacked a woman (2290): In this post, Otto Spijkers tried to explain why a gorilla escaped from his cage in Blijdorp Zoo (Netherlands), and immediately attacked a woman that visited him on an almost daily basis in the Zoo.
  4. In Manipulating and measuring the political spectrum part 2: Political Rankings and Compasses (2266), Nick looked in greater detail at how one can actually measure the political spectrum. He looked at what constituted the ‘centre’ in US politics, and how these things were measured by the likes of the National Journal, which ranked Obama as the most liberal Senator in 2007.
  5. Political Economy of Myanmar/Burma Part 2 – what can the international community do? (1765): In this post, Nick Li assessed the steps the international community could take to alleviate the suffering of the Burmese people. He looked at the possibility of military intervention, economic sanctions, and engagement.
  6. New Online Journal: The Göttingen Journal of International Law (1553): In this post, Tobias Thienel wrote about the publication of the first issue in history of a brand new, exciting online journal: the Göttingen Journal of International Law (GoJIL). The GoJIL is the first student-run German international law review. Tobias himself was actively involved in setting up this journal: one of the articles in the first journal was written by him, and he is a member of the journal’s Scientific Advisory Board.
  7. Why the internship at UN Headquarters should be (un)paid (1549): In this post, Otto Spijkers listed all the reasons brought forward to defend the position that the UN interns should get paid for the duration of their internship. The comments to this article have slowly evolved into what can only be called an Unofficial United Nations Internship Programme Discussion Group, where various issues relating to the application process are discussed by a number of future interns.
  8. Acts of Dutchbat must be attributed to the United Nations and not to the Netherlands (1108): This post is about a number of cases before the Dutch District Court relating to the responsibility of the Netherlands for the failure of Dutch peacekeepers in Srebrenica in the early nineties.
  9. The problem with MONUC (1102): In this post, Richard Norman looks critically at the achievements and failures of UN’s largest peacekeeping mission, MONUC, which is based in the Congo.
  10. Update on Australia’s refugee policy (1034): In this post, Mel O’Brien looked critically at recent changes in Australia’s refugee policy. After looking in great detail at a speech by Chris Evans, Australia’s federal Minister for Immigration and Citizenship, Mel concluded that ‘it seems the government is really planning a complete overhaul of the immigration system to render it fair and treat asylum seekers with the dignity they deserve.’

I calculated the number of hits in the morning of 25 March 2009. The blog articles that were written before July 2008 have been published once again on this new blog, but they actually first appeared on our previous blog (www.1948blog.com) which is no longer available. Unfortunately I thus cannot take into account the number of views of those posts as originally published. The posts that appeared on United Nations, Global Values, and the Individual and The Core, our previous blog efforts, are also not taken into account. They are still available on the original blogs.

The Bashir Arrest Warrant- why is the ICC being blamed for repurcussions, actual or potential?

Why are people so deeply concerned about the issuance of an arrest warrant? What people should be deeply concerned about is retaining someone like Bashir in a position like head of state, where he is in a position to continue committing crimes. The bottom line is that Bashir is a war criminal (perhaps I should say alleged, but it is completely unlikely the ICC Prosecutor would bring such a case before the Court without certainty of the guilt of the accused). It is Bashir who has been the cause of the death, rape, torture and displacement of millions of people. How is this moment now the “critical juncture” in the peace process, when the peace process has been ongoing for years now, and in reality, is unlikely to succeed anytime soon with or without the existence of the arrest warrant for Bashir? I think we can categorically say that Bashir is not the key to peace in Sudan. It is not the ICC that has pushed out humanitarian organisations from Sudan- it is Bashir. It is not the ICC that has been involved in ongoing violence targeting civilians- it is Bashir. Why is it seen as acceptable to have such a person leading a country and being involved in a peace process, but not for such a person to be held accountable for his actions?

Yes, of course, the answer is politics, and fear of leaders that they too will be held accountable for any crimes they may commit. They cry “violation of sovereignty and immunity”. Yet international law has moved far beyond blanket application of state sovereignty and immunities. While the sanctity of these two concepts is still respected, there are limitations on their application. Achieving peace should not and does not have to equal immunity for those who have committed crimes. The ICC was established with the aim of ensuring individual criminal responsibility- accountability- for the most horrific crimes, regardless of the position of the person committing the crime. While I personally do not agree that the ICC should restrict itself to only prosecuting the big fish (and am relieved the Pre-Trial Chamber’s ruling in this regard was overturned on appeal, see Prosecutor v Ntaganda), it is still vital that the Court does ensure the biggest fish are brought to justice. It is rare that a state will prosecute a former head of state (although not entirely unheard of, e.g. Fujimori), so the ICC needs to guarantee that there is a forum in which these leaders can be held accountable. One thing that was reiterated at the arrest warrant press conference was the fact that the ICC is a judicial institution and political considerations are not in its ambit- and that is indeed the way it is and should be.

What all states should be calling for is the immediate carrying out of the arrest warrant, the arrest of Bashir. States should recognise that the removal of one of the main elements of the conflict in Sudan will be the positive step towards peace, not the retention of that element. Bashir should be under pressure from all sides, from all regions. He should be unable to travel anywhere outside of Sudan without being arrested. The Security Council should not heed (which they have not done, and hopefully will not do) the appeals of the AU and Arab League to exercise their authority under Article 16 of the Rome Statute to suspend proceedings. Instead, they should adjust the mandates of UNAMID and UNMIS to include the power to arrest any persons currently wanted by the ICC. There should be unencumbered support by all states and the UN (both the GA and the Security Council) for the ICC’s decision to take a concrete step and call for the arrest of someone responsible for past and ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity (and genocide? This we will see on appeal, undoubtedly). It’s about time someone was held accountable for the atrocities being committed in Sudan.

Why did the UK Violate the ECtHR’s Interim Measures?

pic ECtHR.jpg

By Tobias Thienel

A few weeks ago, I reported on this blog – with some dismay – that the British Army in Iraq had unlawfully transferred two men to the Iraqi High Tribunal. In so doing, the UK not only violated its obligation not to transfer persons where they may be sentenced to death and executed after transfer. It also acted directly contrary to an interim measure indicated by the European Court of Human Rights.

I have now come across the UK’s official reasons for doing so. The statements do not make for happy reading. It might have been understandable if the European Court’s order had simply not reached the relevant Army unit in time for the transfer to be stopped. But that was not the operative reason. Continue reading

New Online Journal: The Göttingen Journal of International Law

GoJILBy Tobias Thienel

Last night saw the publication of a brand new, exciting online journal: the Göttingen Journal of International Law has published its first issue. The GoJIL, as it is known for short, is the first student-run German international law review. It thus applies in Germany the great American tradition of students taking on a role in the publication of valuable scholarly work, contributed both by other students and by more established writers.

The first issue already contains articles by such prominent authors as Robert Cryer (‘Prosecuting the Leaders: Promises, Politics and Practicalities’), Diane Desierto (‘Universalizing Core Human Rights in the "New" ASEAN: A Reassessment of Culture and Development Justifications against the Global Rejection of Impunity’) and the political scientist Dimitris N. Chryssochoou (‘The European Synarchy: New Discourses on Sovereignty’), as well as a Foreword by Judge Thomas Buergenthal of the ICJ. Judge Buergenthal is also a member of the Advisory Board of GoJIL.

Another very prominent contribution, by the former President of the German Federal Constitutional Court, Jutta Limbach, on ‘Human Rights in Times of Terror’ nicely sets up a more student-oriented part of the Journal: GoJIL has initiated an International Student Essay Competition on just that topic, and the winning essay, by Evelyne Schmid, is now published in the current issue of GoJIL. Ms Schmid writes persuasively of ‘The Right to a Fair Trial in Times of Terrorism: A Method to Identify the Non-Derogable Aspects of Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,’ addressing in particular the role of other international law in derogations from the Covenant.

There is also a section of Current Developments in International Law, with comment on the recent decisions in Georgia v Russia, Kadi v Council and Commission and FIAMM (the last on the liability of the EC for lawful conduct), as well as on the nuclear deal between the US and India.

I have had some – limited – involvement with GoJIL as a member of its Scientific Advisory Board, and therefore can attest to the dedication of the editors and to all the hard work and intense care they have put into this project. The end result reflects all this; it is an impressive piece of work. Do have a look!

Cooperation in Iraq and the ECHR: An Awful Epilogue

pic Royal Courts of Justice.JPG

By Tobias Thienel

A few days ago, I noted on this blog a recent case from the English High Court, which addressed the possibility that the British forces in Iraq might be prevented by the ECHR from handing over suspects to the Iraqi authorities for prosecution. The High Court had held at the time that the two claimants could not resist their transfer to the Iraqi High Tribunal, even though they did run a risk of being sentenced to death and executed. However, the Court held so only reluctantly, and only because it was bound by precedent – a precedent, moreover, which the High Court pretty much knew to be wrong.

The claimants’ hopes then rested on the Court of Appeal. But all such hopes were dashed when the Court of Appeal on 30 December 2008 dismissed the appeal. In addition, the Court of Appeal also refused leave to appeal to the House of Lords, and declined to extend the injunction against the appellants’ transfer to the Iraqi police. As Professor William A. Schabas and Dr Antoine Buyse report at their respective blogs, the appellants were then swiftly handed over to the Iraqis – this despite an interim measure indicated by the European Court of Human Rights.

The Court of Appeal today published its reasons for dismissing the appeal: R (Al-Saadoon) v Secretary of State for Defence [2009] EWCA Civ 7. Those reasons were, in broad outline: (a) the UK did not have jurisdiction over the appellants, so the ECHR did not apply, (b) even if it had done, the obligation not to extradite/transfer was displaced by the fact that the UK was bound to do so, (c) there was no (regional) customary international law in Europe against the transfer of persons to a risk of suffering the death penalty, (d) the execution of a sentence of death by hanging did not amount to a crime against humanity.

There’s really only one word for that: Nonsense! Continue reading

[No] parliamentary inquiry into the Dutch decision to give political support to the invasion of Iraq in 2003 (UPDATED)

 

By Otto Spijkers

It seems increasingly likely that there will be a Dutch parliamentary inquiry into the Dutch decision to give political support to the invasion of Iraq in 2003. [UPDATE: Today (2 February 2009), the Dutch Government decided to establish a Commission, chaired by Willibrord Davids, a former Chief Justice of the Dutch Supreme Court who does not seem to have much experience in the field of international law, to look into the Dutch decision to give political support to the invasion of Iraq in 2003.] Continue reading

ICJ Declines to Interpret Avena Judgment – But Does, Really

Peace PalaceBy Tobias Thienel

The ICJ has today delivered its judgment on Mexico’s application for an interpretation of the 2004 judgment in Avena and Other Mexican Nationals. The Court declined to proceed to the interpretation sought by Mexico, but in so doing made some statements on what Avena did and did not decide, and also on some other issues of substantive and procedural law. Today’s judgment is this: Request for Interpretation of the Judgment of 31 March 2004 in the Case concerning Avena and Other Mexican Nationals (Mexico v. United States of America).

The Court declined to say whether the contentions of the US and Mexico disclosed any actual dispute between them. The US, for its part, had argued that the Court was without jurisdiction under Article 60 of its Statute to interpret Avena because the parties were already agreed on what Avena meant. The Court took it upon itself to distill from the various submissions some conflicts of opinion that might conceivably qualify as a ‘dispute’ concerning the proper interpretation of Avena. It also suggested, however, that it might not be the Court’s job to do this, and that Mexico should really have substantiated the nature of the dispute with a good deal more precision. In the end, however, the Court held that, whatever the precise dispute might be about, it did not relate to any of the actual content of the Avena judgment. The dispute – if any – therefore fell outwith the reach of the Court’s interpretative competence.

The Court said that ‘[t]he Parties’ different stated perspectives on the existence of a dispute reveal also different contentions as to whether [Avena] envisages that a direct effect is to be given to the obligation contained therein.’ On this point, the Court held that the question of whether the Avena judgment had to or did have direct effect in the domestic legal order of the US was not a question addressed in Avena at all. Continue reading

The Human Rights Declaration celebrates its 60th anniversary and the General Assembly’s gift to the world is the right of individuals to complain about violations of their economic, social and cultural rights

 

By Otto Spijkers

On 10 December 2008, the General Assembly adopted a resolution celebrating the Sixtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. More importantly, the Assembly also adopted a resolution containing the text of an Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, granting a right to individuals and groups to complain about alleged violations of their rights granted to them in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. These complaints will be examined by the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, based in Geneva. Continue reading

ECtHR Calls Attention to Maritime Environmental Law

PrestigeBy Tobias Thienel

In a case that has stirred emotions when it first came to the fore, the European Court of Human Rights today had occasion to stress the strong public interest, reflected in domestic as in international law, in the protection of the maritime environment. To the ECtHR, that case is known as Mangouras v Spain; to the rest of the world it is part of the drama resulting from the sinking of the Prestige off Galicia, Spain, in November 2002.

The applicant, Mr Mangouras, had been the captain of the Prestige, and was promptly arrested on being taken to the Spanish shore. A Spanish judge then fixed the amount of bail at a somewhat steep 3,000,000 €. An insurance company came up with the sum fixed, and Mr Mangouras was released from jail after 83 days. That, basically, is what the case in the European Court was about; the applicant argued that the amount of bail was much too high, violating Article 5(3) ECHR (see e.g. Iwanczuk v Poland, para 66).

The case-law mandated that the Court consider the temptation for an accused to absent himself from the proceedings, and whether the amount of bail was proportionate to the aim of counteracting that temptation, thus securing the indictee’s presence at trial. The nature of the offence with which the accused would be charged was therefore relevant, going to the strength of the possible desire to abscond. Against that background, the Court said (my translation; French original after the fold):

"The Court cannot ignore the rising and legitimate concern existing at the European and the international level with regard to crimes against the environment. It notes in this regard the powers and obligations of States concerning maritime pollution and the unanimous interest of States as well as of European and international organisations in identifying those responsible, securing their presence at court proceedings and in punishing them […]. The Court feels that it should take into account the individual circumstances of the case, that is to say, the specific breaches committed in the context of a ‘cascade of responsibilities’ peculiar to the law of the sea and, in particular, to attacks on the maritime environment, and that those circumstances distinguish this case from other cases in which the Court has been called upon to assess the duration of provisional detention."

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