The ICC authorizes first use of OTP proprio motu powers in Kenya: Opening a new Pandora’s Box of legal difficulties (and revisiting some old ones too…)

By Dov Jacobs 

On the 31 March, Pre-Trial Chamber II issued its Decision Pursuant to Article 15 of the Rome Statute on the Authorization of an Investigation into the Situation in the Republic of Kenya. The decision was reached by a majority of two, with a strong dissent from Judge Kaul. It is an important decision, because it is the first one to be based on a request from the OTP to open an investigation based on its proprio motu powers under Article 15 of the Rome Statute. Until now, all the investigations opened had been in situations either self-referred by States or referred by the Security Council, in relation to Darfur. The Prosecutor had refused to request the opening of an investigation in Iraq and Venezuela in the past. This practice had, in hindsight, made a joke of the fears of the opponents of Article 15 because they thought it might lead to a politicization of the work of the OTP who might use his powers to go after western powers. These fears remain unfounded today, with a further investigation opened on African territory.

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Rapporteur recommends Commission of Inquiry on international crimes in Myanmar

By Lennert Breuker

Alarming reports on the human rights situation in Myanmar have unfortunately been a consistent phenomenon over the last two decades. But some more momentum seems to have been given to the possibility of a legal response with the report of 10 March of the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar (http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/13session/A-HRC-13-48.pdf). Mr. Tomas Ojea Quintana recommended amongst others:

121. Given the gross and systematic nature of human rights violations in Myanmar over a period of many years, and the lack of accountability, there is an indication that those human rights violations are the result of a State policy that involves authorities in the executive, military and judiciary at all levels. According to consistent reports, the possibility exists that some of these human rights violations may entail categories of crimes against humanity or war crimes under the terms of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.

122. The mere existence of this possibility obliges the Government of Myanmar to take prompt and effective measures to investigate these facts. There have clearly been cases where it has been necessary to establish responsibility, but this has not been done. Given this lack of accountability, United Nations institutions may consider the possibility to establish a commission of inquiry with a specific fact-finding mandate to address the question of international crimes. At this particular stage in the history of Myanmar, the State faces this critical assignment which must be addressed by this Government and by a newly elected Government as well.

The conclusion that the human rights violations, at least prima facie, meet the level of crimes against humanity or war crimes had already been put forward in a report of the International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard University of May 2009 (http://www.law.harvard.edu/programs/hrp/documents/Crimes-in-Burma.pdf – see Human Rights Watch for an overview). The report mentioned forced displacement, sexual violence, extrajudicial killings and torture as examples of acts which have very likely been committed in Myanmar (referred to as Burma in the report), and which are criminalized under international law. The report similarly concluded that a Commission of Inquiry to investigate crimes committed in Burma should be set up. It even went a step further by suggesting that ‘the Security Council should be prepared to act upon findings and recommendations made by such a Commission, including a potential referral to the International Criminal Court…’ (See report p.4). Continue reading

Functional perpetration through the backdoor?

By Lennert Breuker

The case I want to devote some attention to is already a relatively older case of the ICTR Appeals Chamber (12 March 2008). But as I recently came across several commentaries that noted (with some concern) the expansion of the notion ‘committing’, I just wanted to make to use of this opportunity to link the case to the concept of ‘functional perpetratorship’. 

In Prosecutor vs Seromba the Appeals Chamber convicted a priest for committing genocide, thereby rejecting the Trial Chamber’s finding that his responsibility would be more properly translated into aiding and abetting genocide. What makes this case interesting is that while the priest did not physically perpetrate the genocide, nor was considered as co-perpetrator, nor as a member of a joint criminal enterprise, he was still found to be a principal perpetrator.  Continue reading

Karadzic in The Hague

By Björn Elberling

Two counts of navel-gazing in one post: First of all, I would like to welcome our new co-bloggers to the Invisible College. I am looking forward to reading your perspectives and to hopefully many interesting discussion.

Second, I want to shamelessly abuse my posting privileges for some self-promotion: On the occasion of the re-start of the Karadzic trial at the ICTY, the Hague Justice Portal has published a short comment by yours truly on the accused’s defense woes. (Full disclosure: I clerked with the Karadzic defense team in the summer of 2009). Continue reading

ICTR News – Defence Investigator Nshogoza found guilty of contempt

Anyway, the judgment itself is not up on the Tribunal’s website yet, but here is the Tribunal’s Press Release.

More commentary on the judgment, generally supportive of the outcome, by Lisa Gambone on the War Crimes blog. I’ll refrain from commenting in detail until the actual judgment comes out. For now, I just wish to point out that there may be more behind this case than is immediately apparent – before his detention at the ICTR in this case, Nshogoza had been arrested by Rwandan authorities who had announced plans to prosecute him for bribing ICTR witnesses and for “minimization of genocide” – see e.g. the ADAD (Association of Defence Counsel) November 2007 Petition. I’ll also note that, if Nshogoza improperly influenced witnesses, it seems that he would be far from alone in doing so – see, e.g., this Hirondelle article on a Prosecution witness who recanted his testimony against accused Nzirorera claiming that he had been pressured by Rwandan authorities. Finally, see this New Times article on the judgment with a comment by Allison Turner, Nshogoza’s defence attorney.

More, hopefully, once the full judgment is published.

Nazi War Criminals Still Fight to Avoid Facing Justice

By Mel O’Brien

I realise that criminals of any kind want to get away with their crimes, want to avoid facing justice and punishment. But sometimes I do wonder why, after all these years, some Nazi war criminals Charles Zentaicannot simply admit to their crimes and bring some peace to the families of victims of crimes committed over 60 years ago. I have previously written of the recent push to bring Nazi war criminals to justice. Two extraditions are currently in play, in the US and Australia. Continue reading

Most popular posts since July 2008

Since July 2008, this blog has been viewed over 98,276 times. I think this is a good opportunity to celebrate. In order to do so, I have listed the most popular blog articles, in terms of the number of views since July 2008. This is the Top 10 (number of views in brackets):

  1. Manipulating and measuring the political spectrum part 1: Obama and the flip flops (4619): In this post, Nick Li provided his own analysis of whether Obama had really moved to the centre on various issues, as was often suggested.
  2. Calvin & Hobbes on International Law (2513): In this post, Otto Spijkers provides an example of the lessons international lawyers can learn from comic books, especially Calvin & Hobbes.
  3. Understanding Bokito, the gorilla that escaped and attacked a woman (2290): In this post, Otto Spijkers tried to explain why a gorilla escaped from his cage in Blijdorp Zoo (Netherlands), and immediately attacked a woman that visited him on an almost daily basis in the Zoo.
  4. In Manipulating and measuring the political spectrum part 2: Political Rankings and Compasses (2266), Nick looked in greater detail at how one can actually measure the political spectrum. He looked at what constituted the ‘centre’ in US politics, and how these things were measured by the likes of the National Journal, which ranked Obama as the most liberal Senator in 2007.
  5. Political Economy of Myanmar/Burma Part 2 – what can the international community do? (1765): In this post, Nick Li assessed the steps the international community could take to alleviate the suffering of the Burmese people. He looked at the possibility of military intervention, economic sanctions, and engagement.
  6. New Online Journal: The Göttingen Journal of International Law (1553): In this post, Tobias Thienel wrote about the publication of the first issue in history of a brand new, exciting online journal: the Göttingen Journal of International Law (GoJIL). The GoJIL is the first student-run German international law review. Tobias himself was actively involved in setting up this journal: one of the articles in the first journal was written by him, and he is a member of the journal’s Scientific Advisory Board.
  7. Why the internship at UN Headquarters should be (un)paid (1549): In this post, Otto Spijkers listed all the reasons brought forward to defend the position that the UN interns should get paid for the duration of their internship. The comments to this article have slowly evolved into what can only be called an Unofficial United Nations Internship Programme Discussion Group, where various issues relating to the application process are discussed by a number of future interns.
  8. Acts of Dutchbat must be attributed to the United Nations and not to the Netherlands (1108): This post is about a number of cases before the Dutch District Court relating to the responsibility of the Netherlands for the failure of Dutch peacekeepers in Srebrenica in the early nineties.
  9. The problem with MONUC (1102): In this post, Richard Norman looks critically at the achievements and failures of UN’s largest peacekeeping mission, MONUC, which is based in the Congo.
  10. Update on Australia’s refugee policy (1034): In this post, Mel O’Brien looked critically at recent changes in Australia’s refugee policy. After looking in great detail at a speech by Chris Evans, Australia’s federal Minister for Immigration and Citizenship, Mel concluded that ‘it seems the government is really planning a complete overhaul of the immigration system to render it fair and treat asylum seekers with the dignity they deserve.’

I calculated the number of hits in the morning of 25 March 2009. The blog articles that were written before July 2008 have been published once again on this new blog, but they actually first appeared on our previous blog (www.1948blog.com) which is no longer available. Unfortunately I thus cannot take into account the number of views of those posts as originally published. The posts that appeared on United Nations, Global Values, and the Individual and The Core, our previous blog efforts, are also not taken into account. They are still available on the original blogs.

The Bashir Arrest Warrant- why is the ICC being blamed for repurcussions, actual or potential?

Why are people so deeply concerned about the issuance of an arrest warrant? What people should be deeply concerned about is retaining someone like Bashir in a position like head of state, where he is in a position to continue committing crimes. The bottom line is that Bashir is a war criminal (perhaps I should say alleged, but it is completely unlikely the ICC Prosecutor would bring such a case before the Court without certainty of the guilt of the accused). It is Bashir who has been the cause of the death, rape, torture and displacement of millions of people. How is this moment now the “critical juncture” in the peace process, when the peace process has been ongoing for years now, and in reality, is unlikely to succeed anytime soon with or without the existence of the arrest warrant for Bashir? I think we can categorically say that Bashir is not the key to peace in Sudan. It is not the ICC that has pushed out humanitarian organisations from Sudan- it is Bashir. It is not the ICC that has been involved in ongoing violence targeting civilians- it is Bashir. Why is it seen as acceptable to have such a person leading a country and being involved in a peace process, but not for such a person to be held accountable for his actions?

Yes, of course, the answer is politics, and fear of leaders that they too will be held accountable for any crimes they may commit. They cry “violation of sovereignty and immunity”. Yet international law has moved far beyond blanket application of state sovereignty and immunities. While the sanctity of these two concepts is still respected, there are limitations on their application. Achieving peace should not and does not have to equal immunity for those who have committed crimes. The ICC was established with the aim of ensuring individual criminal responsibility- accountability- for the most horrific crimes, regardless of the position of the person committing the crime. While I personally do not agree that the ICC should restrict itself to only prosecuting the big fish (and am relieved the Pre-Trial Chamber’s ruling in this regard was overturned on appeal, see Prosecutor v Ntaganda), it is still vital that the Court does ensure the biggest fish are brought to justice. It is rare that a state will prosecute a former head of state (although not entirely unheard of, e.g. Fujimori), so the ICC needs to guarantee that there is a forum in which these leaders can be held accountable. One thing that was reiterated at the arrest warrant press conference was the fact that the ICC is a judicial institution and political considerations are not in its ambit- and that is indeed the way it is and should be.

What all states should be calling for is the immediate carrying out of the arrest warrant, the arrest of Bashir. States should recognise that the removal of one of the main elements of the conflict in Sudan will be the positive step towards peace, not the retention of that element. Bashir should be under pressure from all sides, from all regions. He should be unable to travel anywhere outside of Sudan without being arrested. The Security Council should not heed (which they have not done, and hopefully will not do) the appeals of the AU and Arab League to exercise their authority under Article 16 of the Rome Statute to suspend proceedings. Instead, they should adjust the mandates of UNAMID and UNMIS to include the power to arrest any persons currently wanted by the ICC. There should be unencumbered support by all states and the UN (both the GA and the Security Council) for the ICC’s decision to take a concrete step and call for the arrest of someone responsible for past and ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity (and genocide? This we will see on appeal, undoubtedly). It’s about time someone was held accountable for the atrocities being committed in Sudan.

One appeal dismissed, another upheld

By Mel O’Brien

This afternoon the Appeals Chamber of the ICC delivered its decision on the Prosecutor’s appeal against two decisions of the Trial Chamber in the Lubanga case. The first appeal was against the Trial Chamber’s decision of 13 June 2008, imposing a stay of proceedings on the case. The Prosecutor argued that the Trial Chamber had misinterpreted and mischaracterized the use of Article 54(3)(e), and that the imposition of a stay of proceedings was premature and excessive. Despite the Prosecutor seeking to amend the appeal to only the third ground, the Appeals Chamber saw all three grounds as inextricably linked and therefore delivered a decision on all three grounds.

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