CfP: ‘Canada and Colonial Genocide’ special edition of the Journal of Genocide Research

‘Canada and Colonial Genocide’

Guest Editors: Andrew Woolford (University of Manitoba) and Jeff Benvenuto (Rutgers University). Please address any questions to Andrew Woolford at Andrew.Woolford@ad.umanitoba.ca

Settler colonialism in Canada has traditionally been portrayed as a
gentler, if not benevolent, colonialism—especially in contrast to the
Indian Wars in the United States. This national mythology has penetrated into comparative genocide studies, where Canadian case studies are rarely discussed in edited volumes, genocide journals, or multi-national studies.
Indeed, much of the extant literature on genocide in Canada rests at the level of self-justification, whereby authors draw on the U.N Genocide Convention or some other rubric to demonstrate that Canadian genocides are a legitimate topic of scholarly concern.

To advance the discussion of genocide in Canada, the Journal of Genocide Research invites contributions that investigate dimensions or processes of colonial destruction and their aftermaths in Canada. Research articles that cover specific actions (e.g. forced removals, land appropriation, massacres and warfare, disease spread, residential schools, species and ecological destruction, and repressive legal or governmental controls), Indigenous groups, regions, or periods, are particularly welcome. In addition, we invite submissions that draw comparisons to patterns of
colonial destruction in other contexts, examine the ways in which Canada has sought to redress and commemorate colonial harms, or present novel theoretical or conceptual insights on colonial/settler genocides in Canada.

Please send proposals of 200-300 words and a short c.v. to:
Andrew.Woolford@ad.umanitoba.ca

The deadline for proposals is 1 May 2013, and submissions are due on 1 July 2014.

Jeff Benvenuto
Center for the Study of Genocide, Conflict Resolution, and Human Rights
Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey
360 Martin Luther King Blvd.
Hill Hall 703
Newark, NJ 07102, USA
jmbenven@pegasus.rutgers.edu

CfP: International Academic Conference on Holocaust Research

International Academic Conference on Holocaust Research

University of Toronto

October 6-7, 2013

*NEW SCHOLARS/NEW RESEARCH ON THE HOLOCAUST*

Date: October 6-7, 2013

Location: University of Toronto

Sponsors: Chancellor Rose and Ray Wolfe Chair of Holocaust Studies and the Centre for Jewish Studies of the University of Toronto, and the Government of Canada.

Context: Coinciding with the meeting of the International Holocaust
Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) [formerly the Task Force for International Cooperation on Holocaust Education, Remembrance, and Research (ITF)], an inter-governmental organization established in 1998 and meeting in Toronto under the chairmanship of the Government of Canada.

Language: English

Organized by the Chancellor Rose and Ray Wolfe Chair of Holocaust Studies and the Centre for Jewish Studies at the University of Toronto, and the Government of Canada, this international academic conference will showcase and consider new Holocaust-related research by new scholars in the field. By “new scholars” the organizers have in mind advanced doctoral candidates and those who have received doctoral degrees within the past decade or so, but
we will interpret these parameters flexibly. New scholarship might include:
comparative studies; topics that draw upon recently released sources;
gender, economic and religious and cultural aspects of the Holocaust; local studies that impact wider interpretations; contributions of media and literature to an understanding of the Holocaust; and other innovative and/or interdisciplinary topics.

We plan to assemble researchers who have studied, thought and written about the Holocaust from many different vantage points, in order to engage with one another across disciplinary and national borders. Our Academic Advisory Committee, co-chaired by Professors Doris Bergen and Michael Marrus, includes Professors Alain Goldschlager, Irving Abella, Jennifer Evans, Dorota Glowacka, Amanda Grzyb, Jan Grabowski, John-Paul Himka, Sara Horowitz, Robert Jan van Pelt, and Dr. Naomi Azrieli.

We invite proposals to participate in this meeting.

The sponsors will cover expenses for travel and accommodation for those who will be presenting papers. Our intention is to circulate papers to participants beforehand for commentary and discussion. Presenters will summarize their papers at the meeting and all invitees will participate in critical discussion.

Kindly email your proposals, which should be no more than 300 words,
together with a short (max. 2-page) *curriculum vitae*, to Elizabeth McCann (elizabeth.mccann@cic.gc.ca) before April 30, 2013. Please write “IHRA” in the subject line and attach your proposal and c.v. as a combined file, preferably in pdf format. Applicants will be notified by June 2013.

CfP: 11th International Holocaust Studies Conference

11th International Holocaust Studies Conference
Middle Tennessee State University

Global Perspectives on the Holocaust
October 15-18, 2013

Because 2013 marks the 80th anniversary of Hitler’s seizure of power, we encourage papers on the implications and ramifications of that event. We also plan to feature specific sessions on K-12 Holocaust Education and Genocide Studies. Beyond these focuses, we seek papers and panels on all aspects of Holocaust Studies. Our goal is to include topics concerning all six inhabited continents, especially those addressing underrepresented subjects from a broad range of political and philosophical viewpoints, disciplinary perspectives, and methodological approaches.

· For individual papers (15-20 minutes), submit a one-page proposal with working bibliography, a brief vita, and full contact information in a single .doc or .rtf attachment.
· For panel proposals (2-3 presenters and a moderator), submit a brief panel description with title, then follow the instructions for individual proposals for all presenters.

Note: We do not accept previously presented (“canned”) talks or workshops.

Send all submissions and any questions to Program Chair Dr. Elyce Rae Helford at holconf2013@mtsu.edu

Deadline for submissions is May 1, 2013
Decisions will be made by June 15, 2013

Derek Frisby
Associate Professor
MTSU History Dept.

The ICC should resist its “Boy Scout Mentality” in relation to Vatican “Crimes against Humanity” for child abuse

By Dov Jacobs

Cross-posted on Spreading the Jam 

 

Earlier this week, the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) submitted, on behalf of the Survivors Network of Those Abused by Priests, a communication  to the International Criminal Court requesting that an investigation be opened for Crimes against Humanity committed by high-level Vatican officials.

In a nutshell, the submission argues that there is evidence of widespread and systematic abuse (both rape and torture) of a civilian population by priests in a number of countries and that the Vatican, and more specifically Joseph Ratzinger, both in his former capacity as Prefect of the Congreation of the Doctrine of the Faith, and current capacity as Pope Benedict XVI, should be held liable for covering this up, even to the point of promoting it (this last point is a little ambiguous and I’ll return to it later).

 

This idea has been floating around for a while now. Geoffrey Robertson published a book last year arguing for such an approach. I remain skeptical however and think that there are a number of difficulties with the submission.

 

As a preliminary remark, one should remember that the Prosecutor is under no obligation to proceed from here, neither to open a preliminary examination, nor, of course, to open a formal investigation. The submission by the CCR does not "trigger" the jurisdiction of the ICC, as would a referral by a State Party of the Security Council, and the OTP is not even under an obligation to respond to the submission (although it claims that, for reasons of transparency, it generally will "aim" to respond to communications).

 

I would like to comment on three aspects: jurisdiction, the scope of the situation, and finally on whether the crime is actually constituted.

 

 

  • Jurisdiction

First of all, it should be pointed out that the Prosecutor, should it proceed with an investigation, would only be able to look into crimes that were committed after the entry into force of the Statute in July 2002. Moreover, he will only be able to look at alleged crimes that took place, either on the territory of a State Party or by a national of a State Party. In this sense, it explains why the Communication includes the United States and one alleged american perpetrator, to the extent that the crimes in the US could have been committed by nationals of State Parties and that the American Citizen might have committed crimes on the territory of State Parties.

 

 

  • The scope of the situation

 

Second of all, the submission raises the question of the scope of the "situation" that would be the object of an investigation. Traditionally, situations have been expected to be limited in some way, especially from a territorial perspective. Up to now, this has been the case for all the situations looked into by the Court. The CCR submission, if it was followed would therefore be a first in the history of the Court, by defining a situation through a unity of crimes and alleged perpetrators exclusively, rather than through a territorial criteria. It should be pointed out that this is an implicit consequence of the reasoning of the CCR, because they don’t actually explicitely deal with this issue. Three brief comments on this.

1) One should remember that the ICC Statute does not define what a situation is. Therefore, as I’ve discussed before in relation to the Libya Referral, any challenges to the scope of a situation faces this difficulty of having no statutory guidelines on which to base such a challenge. The case-law has suggested some limitations to the scope of a situation, but these are vague enough for anybody to argue that they could be extended to cover the events in the current submission.

2) It remains that there might be a difficulty with the submission when one considers not so much the concept of "situation" in general, but consider it in relation to the other ICC distinction, namely a "case". Indeed, I might not be able to define a situation, but what the CCR is describing in its communication certainly appears to me to be a "case": they identify a crime, the perpetrators and the mode of liabity. In this sense, the OTP, even should it accept a broader approach to a "situation", would be in violation of the Statute and the rights of the defense should it define the situation in the terms used by the CCR.

3) Which leaves the question open of how this situation would be phrased. One option would be to open a distinct investigation into each of the countries named by the CCR, but in practice, it would still require that it be shown that the crime is constituted based on a transnational policy.

 

 

  • Is the alleged crime of "Crimes against Humanity" actually constituted? (and another rant on the confusion between HR and ICL…)

 

 

Which brings me to my third point : there is the major issue of whether Crimes against Humanity are indeed constituted. There is no doubt that the abuse in the catholic church has been widespread and systematic. Where the communication fails to convince, is on the organizational element required by the Elements of the Crimes in the following way:

"Attack directed against a civilian population"[…] is understood to mean a course of conduct […] pursuant to or in furtherance of a State or organizational policy to commit such attack. […] It is understood that “policy to commit such attack” requires that the State or organization actively promote or encourage such an attack against a civilian population.

 

A footnote to this paragraph specifies that:

 

A policy which has a civilian population as the object of the attack would be implemented by State or organizational action. Such a policy may, in exceptional circumstances, be implemented by a deliberate failure to take action, which is consciously aimed at encouraging such attack. The existence of such a policy cannot be inferred solely from the absence of governmental or organizational action

 

How does this apply to the current situation? For one, no one seems to be arguing that the Vatican set up an actual policy to perpetrate widespread and systematic abuse against persons in the care of priests. It is their "deliberate failure to take action" which is put forward. However, even if the conduct of Church authorities is subject to criticism, I think it falls short of showing that it was "consciously aimed at encouraging such attack". In this sense, when the communication says that the Vatican has been dealing with such situations in ways that ensured such violence would continue", I think it still does not establish intent, even by omission.

 

In relation to this, the reasoning of the CCR is even more confusing as regards the modes of liability put forward. Indeed, the CCR is clearly confusing the constitutive elements of the crime and the modes of liability. Let me explain. The CCR considers three possible modes of liability: superior responsibility (Article 28), contribution (25(3)(d)) and aiding and abetting (25(3)(c)). All these modes of liability have in common to be "subsidiary" to the main crime, which still has to be constituted. But the CCR does not do that. It would have to show that independently of the Vatican, its officials are claimed to "only" be the accomplice, the priests that committed the abuse acted under a plan or policy that they had set up, which, again, is not argued here. Indeed, without an established Vatican policy there is nothing that links the individual cases of abuse in a sufficiently organisational way to constitute a crime against humanity.

 

The consequence of this is that the Vatican officials are either responsible for "direct" commission under 25(3)(a), or not responsible at all. But they cannot be held complicit for a crime that is not constituted independently  of them. Which leaves us with one, arguably progressive, but at least coherent way of putting the case forward. It is the systematic cover up of this widespread abuse that constitutes the crime against humanity, not the abuse itself. This would mirror the development under human rights law of positive obligations, whereby if the State does not prevent the violation of a right under the ECHR, for example, by a third party, it is held responsible for the violation of that right. This reasoning would at least solve the issue of the modes of liability and the constitution of the crime.

 

However, and regular readers of this blog won’t be surprised, I am not in favour of such an approach. This communication illustrates once again the slow (and apparently inevitable) blurring of the line between human rights and international criminal law. For me, widespread and systematic human rights violations do not necessarily constitute crimes under international law. These are related, but conceptually distinct domains that should remain distinct. In relation to this, it is unsurprising that the Communication relies heavily on the ICC Pre-Trial Chamber decision that authorized the opening of the investigation in the Kenya situation. I criticised it at the time, agreeing with the dissenting opinion of Judge Kaul, for broadening too much the scope of Crimes against Humanity. I expressed similar doubts in relation to the reference to Crimes against Humanity in the Libyan Arrest warrants. In a way, you can’t blame the CCR for its communication. It’s a direct consequence of all-encompassing conceptually blurred approach to crimes against humanity by the ICC judges themselves that is to blame. The conduct of the Church in past decades is certainly appalling, requires the utmost attention and should be dealt with accordingly, but, but I remain convinced that the ICC is not the right forum.

 

Hopefully, the Prosecutor and judges will not fall victim once again to the "boy scout mentality", which leads them to systematically want to save the world with two twigs and a piece of rope, even if someone else might have a far better set of tools…

 

UPDATE: Of course, another angle to approach this is from a PR perspective. It is clearly the ambition of the CCR to get media attention over the issue. This plays into the general trend of trying to get the ICC involved in every situation, to get some news coverage. Indeed, no situation seems to escape this trend (Palestine, Syria, Tunisia…). As discussed above, I disagree with this conceptually, but I have to admit that it is certainly effective. Thanks Joe for pointing this out.

“Pinochet No. 4”? Immunity ratione materiae returns to the High Court

pic Royal Courts of Justice.JPG

By Tobias Thienel

The Pinochet line of cases in the English courts, and particularly in the UK House of Lords, will be reasonably familiar to most international lawyers. Whether rightly or wrongly, they stand for important propositions as to the immunity of foreign officials, chief among which was the proposition that immunity was unavailable for acts of torture. (I say ‘rightly or wrongly’, because the central holding of those cases was not as broad as many thought at the time: see Jones v Ministry of the Interior of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia [2006] UKHL 26, [2007] 1 AC 270, paras 86 et seq).

 

Those cases are now joined by a new fascinating case on various issues of immunity in the English High Court: Bat v Investigating Judge of the German Federal Court [2011] EWHC 2029 (Admin) concerned a remarkable set of facts, and culminated in an important holding, with many interesting remarks along the way.

 

The facts, in broad outline, were these: The investigating judge at the German Federal (i.e., supreme) Court had issued a European Arrest Warrant against a Mr Khurts Bat on roughly the following charges: Mr Khurts Bat, the Head of the Office of National Security of Mongolia, was alleged to have abducted a Mongolian national from Le Havre in France, to have taken him to Berlin and then to have had him flown out to Mongolia, where the abducted person was imprisoned. The scenario, then, was reasonably similar to that in the famous Alvarez-Machain case (see Sosa v Alvarez-Machain, 542 U.S. 692 (2004)).

 

On the basis of this European Arrest Warrant, Mr Khurts Bat was arrested in London, and his extradition to Germany was approved at first instance by a Magistrates’ Court. However, Mr Khurts Bat contested his extradition on the grounds of sovereign immunity. In a pointer to the importance of the case, his side – more precisely, the Mongolian government – was represented by no less a figure than Sir Elihu Lauterpacht QC. The Foreign Office, as an interested party, was represented by Sir Michael Wood QC.

 

The Court dismissed all claims to immunity. Most remarkably, it held that immunity ratione materiae – the immunity available to all present and former officials with respect to their official acts – was unavailable where the crimes at issue were alleged to have been committed in the forum state (in this case, Germany).

Continue reading

Calls for Papers & Articles on Various Genocide-related Topics

by Mel O’Brien

Quite a few very interesting conferences dealing with genocide-related topics are upcoming in 2011 and 2012. Following is information about a conference in March 2011, calls for papers for conferences later in 2011 and in 2012, and a call for articles for publication in a conference proceedings. I will be giving a paper at the IAGS conference in July, so look forward to meeting anyone who will be attending that. My paper will be on external influences, such as interviewing techniques, on guilt admissions by génocidaires. Continue reading

Call for Papers- Justice for All? The International Criminal Court: A Conference -Ten Year Review

The Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences and the Faculty of Law at the University of New South Wales in Sydney, Australia are hosting an international conference in February 2012 to mark the 10th anniversary of the International Criminal Court (ICC). The conference will review the work of the ICC and its impact in its first decade. The President, Registrar and a representative from the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC will be attending the conference. A key objective of the Conference is to examine the circumstances and reasons for the Asia Pacific’s limited engagement with the ICC, and the key lessons from other regions about how to achieve ratification and full implementation of the Court’s mandate, including in the area of gender justice. Against the backdrop of the two main themes of gender justice and the Asia Pacific, the Conference will consider the operation of the Rome Statute of the ICC at three distinct levels: within the Court itself, as between states parties, and between the ICC and civil society. Continue reading

Why do we not give the ICC jurisdiction over piracy???

By Mel O’Brien

The ICC was established to prosecute international
criminals. The first international crime was piracy. Why, then, does the Rome
Statute not include piracy in its subject-matter jurisdiction?

The UN special envoy on maritime piracy recently proposed
the setting up of two special courts
, in Tanzania
& Somalia,
in which to prosecute pirates. The reasoning behind the idea is that the number
of pirate attacks has increased dramatically over the past few years. This has
resulted in difficulties in trying all the perpetrators. Piracy is an international crime, but not all states
have the legislation to try pirates. This is despite the fact that 161 states
are parties to the Convention on the Law of Sea, which dedicates eight
provisions to combating piracy, obligating “cooperate to the fullest possible
extent in the repression of piracy on the high seas or in any other place
outside the jurisdiction of any State” (Article 100).

The special envoy has estimated a cost of USD25 million. I
cannot see this amount as being anywhere near enough. Forgive me for my
scepticism over this amount, but the costs we have seen of running other international
courts and tribunals have always amounted to far more than initially predicted
(leaving courts such as the SCSL & ECCC in financial trouble).

Surely, it would be quicker and a whole lot more economical
to give the ICC, an existing institution, jurisdiction over piracy than to
establish two whole new courts just for one crime! It is an amendment that could
have been brought in at last year’s review conference. The ICC is designed to
deal with crimes “of the most serious concern to the international community as
a whole”, declaring that such crimes “must not go unpunished” (Preamble). It
cannot be denied that piracy is a grave crime that “threaten[s] the peace,
security and well-being of the world” (Preamble). So let’s save time &
resources, & hand piracy jurisdiction over to the ICC.

International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals based in The Hague

By Otto Spijkers 

It has just been announced that the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals shall be located in my hometown, The Hague, self-acclaimed city of peace and justice. This Mechanism will deal with the remaining cases of the ICTY and ICTR, once these Tribunals end their operations and basically cease to exist. As far as I am aware, it is not yet clear where exactly this new organization will be housed.

Task

The Residual Mechanism will commence its tasks on the first of July, 2012 (for Rwanda-cases) and 2013 (for Yugoslavia-cases). According to the UN Security Council, the Mechanism’s main task will be to bring to trial, after the closure of the Tribunals (ICTY and ICTR), the fugitives who are ‘among the most senior leaders suspected of being most responsible for crimes.’ Fugitives are individuals who have already been indicted by the Tribunals, but have so far escaped prosecution. Ratko Mladic comes to mind, but he is not the only one. Goran Hadžic is the lesser known fugitive.

Suitable Accommodation 

The Council described the Mechanism as a ‘small, temporary and efficient structure, whose functions and size will diminish over time, with a small number of staff commensurate with its reduced functions.’ When thinking of suitable accommodation, one would think of a house which is equally capable of diminishing in size as time progresses. I am not sure such houses exist at the present moment.

Duty of All States to Cooperate 

Because the Mechanism, which has a Chapter VII mandate, is the legal successor of the Tribunals, all States have an obligation to ‘render all necessary assistance to the […] Mechanism, as appropriate, in particular to achieve the arrest and surrender of all remaining fugitives as soon as possible.’

More Information 

No special website has been established yet for this new mechanism. For more information about the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals and its mandate, see the Security Council resolution and the Statute of the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals attached to it (the relevant resolution is S/RES/1966(2010)).

Special Tribunal for Lebanon to consider first indictments

By Dov Jacobs

(cross posted from Spreading the Jam

month later than had been originally expected in December, and according to an announcement on the website of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon:

The Registrar of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon, Herman von Hebel, can confirm that the Prosecutor of the tribunal has submitted an indictment and supporting materials to the Pre-Trial Judge. The documents, which relate to the assassination of Rafiq Hariri and others, were handed to the Registry at 16:35PM (local time) on Monday 17th January 2011. They will now be reviewed by the Pre-Trial Judge, Daniel Fransen. The contents of the indictment remain confidential at this stage.

According to the BBC, and as as reported by Bill Schabas in December, Hezbollah leaders are expected to be named in them. We’ll have to wait for the pre-trial judge to issue arrest warrants and for them to be unsealed to get confirmation. 


Politically, this is an interesting development, given that the STL is at the center of a typical Peace vs. Justice debate, as mentioned by the International Jurist last week, the indictments being seen as divisive and threatening an already fragile political situation in the country. Even Hariri’s son has asked for the Tribunal to back off. Despite this, "The Prosecutor and his team will continue to vigorously pursue his mandate with respect to both continued investigative activity and the prosecution of this case." (statement here) and the UNSG reiterated his support for the tribunal last week.


Legally, I’ll have other opportunities to blog about this, but this tribunal has always seemed to me like an ill-thought enterprise from the start, with a poorly defined material jurisdiction (national crimes of terrorism, with only a reference to the national criminal code) and "factual" jurisdiction, for lack of a better word (the Hariri assassination and other crimes which are related to it, whatever that means). Also, what should be interesting, and what we should keep in mind is that the Tribunal is the first to allow trials in absentia, in the civil law tradition. So we don’t really need any arrests for trials to go forward. As I’ve had the opportunity of saying before, I am, on balance, in favor of such trials. Let’s have a live example to test the theory. Until I get a chance to share my own thoughts further on the tribunal, the STL has been kind enough to prepare a FAQ document on indictments for the general public.


More at a later stage when the Prosecutor issues a videotaped statement tomorrow.